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  1. 紀要
  2. Scientific Approaches to Language
  3. No.2

The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告)

https://kuis.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/81
https://kuis.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/81
8cbd673f-2119-48bf-9899-9a985ce7c8f5
名前 / ファイル ライセンス アクション
KJ00000738980.pdf KJ00000738980.pdf (94.3 kB)
asKUIS 著作権ポリシーを参照のこと
Item type 紀要論文(ELS) / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1)
公開日 2003-03-25
タイトル
タイトル The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告)
言語 en
言語
言語 eng
資源タイプ
資源タイプ識別子 http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
資源タイプ departmental bulletin paper
ページ属性
内容記述タイプ Other
内容記述 P(論文)
論文名よみ
その他のタイトル The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告)
著者名(日) 宮川, 繁

× 宮川, 繁

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宮川, 繁

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著者所属(日)
値 マサチューセッツ工科大学言語哲学科
抄録(英)
内容記述タイプ Other
内容記述 Weak islands are called "weak" because they don't block extraction of arguments but they do block extraction of adjuncts. (1) a. What do you wonder [whether to fix t]? b. Why do you wonder [what to fix t]? Does this mean that argument extraction is not affected at all? It is well-known that a weak island bars an interpretation otherwise available with argument extraction, that of pair-list (Longobardi 1985, Cresti 1995). (2) What do you wonder [whether everyone will buy t]? This example only has a single-pair interpretation ("I'm wondering whether everyone will buy a new coat"), Using Relativized Minimality (Rizzi 1990) as a guiding principle, and extending Aoun and Li's (1989) general approach, I will argue that the effects we can observe with weak islands are part of a general property of quantification, (3) All quantification is local, If Quantifier X c-commands Quantifier Y, Y cannot take "inverse" scope over X. A weak island is a form of quantification, because it is headed by such an element as a wh operator. It thus prohibits any scope-bearing item, either an argument or an adjunct, from taking proper scope above it. I will show that the reason why argument extraction appears to be possible is due to a covert resumptive pronoun strategy (cf. Cinque 1990, Postal 1998, Stroik 1992). I will formally characterize the locality of quantification using Beck's (1996) Quantifier-Induced Barrier (QUIB), making a subtle but crucial revision in her definition to incorporate a much wider range of data. Weak islands, as we will see, are simply a subset of QUIBs. This also explains a mystery noted by Hoji (1986) that in Japanese, an example such as the following lacks a pair-list interpretation. (4) Nani-o daremo-ga t katta no? what-ACC everyone-NOM bought Q 'What did everyone buy?' Independently, we can see that the universal quantifier in Japanese is a QUIB (cf. Hoji 1985). The lack of pair-list in this example is exactly the same as the lack of this interpretation in the English weak-island example in (2). Time permitting. I will also explore the issues that naturally arise with inverse scope in English, as in the example, "Someone loves everyone.
雑誌書誌ID
収録物識別子タイプ NCID
収録物識別子 AA11646516
書誌情報 Scientific approaches to language

巻 2, p. 241-242, 発行日 2003-03-25
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