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(1) a. What do you wonder [whether to fix t]? b. Why do you wonder [what to fix t]? Does this mean that argument extraction is not affected at all? It is well-known that a weak island bars an interpretation otherwise available with argument extraction, that of pair-list (Longobardi 1985, Cresti 1995). (2) What do you wonder [whether everyone will buy t]? This example only has a single-pair interpretation (\"I\u0027m wondering whether everyone will buy a new coat\"), Using Relativized Minimality (Rizzi 1990) as a guiding principle, and extending Aoun and Li\u0027s (1989) general approach, I will argue that the effects we can observe with weak islands are part of a general property of quantification, (3) All quantification is local, If Quantifier X c-commands Quantifier Y, Y cannot take \"inverse\" scope over X. A weak island is a form of quantification, because it is headed by such an element as a wh operator. It thus prohibits any scope-bearing item, either an argument or an adjunct, from taking proper scope above it. I will show that the reason why argument extraction appears to be possible is due to a covert resumptive pronoun strategy (cf. Cinque 1990, Postal 1998, Stroik 1992). I will formally characterize the locality of quantification using Beck\u0027s (1996) Quantifier-Induced Barrier (QUIB), making a subtle but crucial revision in her definition to incorporate a much wider range of data. Weak islands, as we will see, are simply a subset of QUIBs. This also explains a mystery noted by Hoji (1986) that in Japanese, an example such as the following lacks a pair-list interpretation. (4) Nani-o daremo-ga t katta no? what-ACC everyone-NOM bought Q \u0027What did everyone buy?\u0027 Independently, we can see that the universal quantifier in Japanese is a QUIB (cf. Hoji 1985). The lack of pair-list in this example is exactly the same as the lack of this interpretation in the English weak-island example in (2). Time permitting. 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The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告)
https://kuis.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/81
https://kuis.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/818cbd673f-2119-48bf-9899-9a985ce7c8f5
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KJ00000738980.pdf (94.3 kB)
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asKUIS 著作権ポリシーを参照のこと
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Item type | 紀要論文(ELS) / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2003-03-25 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告) | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | eng | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
ページ属性 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Other | |||||
内容記述 | P(論文) | |||||
論文名よみ | ||||||
その他のタイトル | The Nature of Weak Islands(第1回コロキアム)(2002年度KUIS-CLS言語学コロキアム報告) | |||||
著者名(日) |
宮川, 繁
× 宮川, 繁 |
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著者所属(日) | ||||||
値 | マサチューセッツ工科大学言語哲学科 | |||||
抄録(英) | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Other | |||||
内容記述 | Weak islands are called "weak" because they don't block extraction of arguments but they do block extraction of adjuncts. (1) a. What do you wonder [whether to fix t]? b. Why do you wonder [what to fix t]? Does this mean that argument extraction is not affected at all? It is well-known that a weak island bars an interpretation otherwise available with argument extraction, that of pair-list (Longobardi 1985, Cresti 1995). (2) What do you wonder [whether everyone will buy t]? This example only has a single-pair interpretation ("I'm wondering whether everyone will buy a new coat"), Using Relativized Minimality (Rizzi 1990) as a guiding principle, and extending Aoun and Li's (1989) general approach, I will argue that the effects we can observe with weak islands are part of a general property of quantification, (3) All quantification is local, If Quantifier X c-commands Quantifier Y, Y cannot take "inverse" scope over X. A weak island is a form of quantification, because it is headed by such an element as a wh operator. It thus prohibits any scope-bearing item, either an argument or an adjunct, from taking proper scope above it. I will show that the reason why argument extraction appears to be possible is due to a covert resumptive pronoun strategy (cf. Cinque 1990, Postal 1998, Stroik 1992). I will formally characterize the locality of quantification using Beck's (1996) Quantifier-Induced Barrier (QUIB), making a subtle but crucial revision in her definition to incorporate a much wider range of data. Weak islands, as we will see, are simply a subset of QUIBs. This also explains a mystery noted by Hoji (1986) that in Japanese, an example such as the following lacks a pair-list interpretation. (4) Nani-o daremo-ga t katta no? what-ACC everyone-NOM bought Q 'What did everyone buy?' Independently, we can see that the universal quantifier in Japanese is a QUIB (cf. Hoji 1985). The lack of pair-list in this example is exactly the same as the lack of this interpretation in the English weak-island example in (2). Time permitting. I will also explore the issues that naturally arise with inverse scope in English, as in the example, "Someone loves everyone. | |||||
雑誌書誌ID | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
収録物識別子 | AA11646516 | |||||
書誌情報 |
Scientific approaches to language 巻 2, p. 241-242, 発行日 2003-03-25 |