@article{oai:kuis.repo.nii.ac.jp:00000334,
 author = {Ueda, Yukiko},
 journal = {言語科学研究 : 神田外語大学大学院紀要},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {P(論文), This paper provides some evidence for the non-movement hypothesis that Japanese nominals are licensed in situ and do not undergo movement for Case-feature checking (Fukui 1986,Takano 1996,Ikawa 1997,and Fukui and Takano 1998). We focus on three scopal contrasts between English and Japanese : (i) scope rigidity in Japanese, (ii) distribution of Negative Polarity Items (henceforth NPIs) and Positive Polarity Items (henceforth PPIs) in negative sentences, and (iii) lack of scope ambiguity between an o-marked Accusative object and a Postpositional phrase in Japanese. Those facts are simultaneously accounted for by the assumption that Japanese nominals undergo no movement from a theta-position to a Case-checking position. This leads one to conclude that Japanese has no Agr projection.},
 pages = {63--85},
 title = {Some Evidence for a Non-Movement Approach to Japanese Case Licensing},
 volume = {5},
 year = {1999}
}